A few theses, none too
controversial or not said before: Whiteness is a property, a possession, one
unevenly distributed across the social terrain. White supremacists tend to have
diminished access to the supreme property of whiteness. White supremacy is thus
an aspirational politics, one that attempts sticking close to what it
imperfectly is in order to become what it should be. It’s an evil, vile
reaction to the maldistribution of a mode of social power that cannot not be
maldistributed. The effect of the unevenly distributed racial property, white
supremacist politics will remain a possibility (and a violently aspirational
actuality) so long as whiteness continues to be a possible mode of being
social.
I’m offering these theses as
a corrective to the dominant ways in which writers and news outlets have been
approaching the White Student Union at Towson University. For those who do not
know, the WSU (a student group unrecognized by the administration) announced
that it would conduct nighttime patrols to protect white people (and, in
particular, the “virtue of white Christian womanhood”) from “black predators.” One
writer at AlterNet has commented, “It’s like they watched the Birth
of the Nation and thought it was a PBS documentary.” Another,
at Jezebel, writes, “The Towson University White
Student Union (WSU), an allegiance formed of supremely ignorant and bigoted
college students, has officially transgressed the border of deeply offensive
and trundled into the realm of completely batshit with its decision to form an
all-white campus patrol to defend their innocent (white) peers from the
threatening threat of black people.” Irony,
then, is one of the dominant modes through which the WSU has been presented to,
and critiqued for, the public.
Irony has never been a very effective mode of
redressing fascism. (Think Charlie Chaplin tossing that globe in the air, and
his later regrets over the film.) As I see it, the capacity to be merely ironic
about white supremacy derives from two linked causes—or, really, one cause
viewed through two lenses. Irony regarding racial supremacist politics requires
the distance from the scene that race affords; it requires, in other words,
being properly white. Being white here has two vectors, negative and positive.
The first condition of possibility for being merely flip with fascism is not being a PoC, one who might be physically attacked by these assholes or subjected to the psychic violence their bile might occasion. The second condition of possibility is the
maintenance of an unproblematic relation to whiteness. It seems to me—based on
tone and forum; I don’t know their bios—that the writers of the pieces cited above are
both geographically and existentially distanced from scenes wherein they would
experience a deficit of whiteness. The pieces are enunciated from a position in
and around proper whiteness, where a white college-educated person’s access to
whiteness goes unquestioned—the urban Northeast. To even begin to analyze white
supremacist politics, we need to account for the striations of whiteness, the
ways in which a host of social levers—space, class, gender, sexuality—distribute
whiteness across the social.
A merely ironic disposition toward white
supremacist politics is only available to those who possess whiteness supreme.
The desire for whiteness does not make sense to those who have it. Consider
Jezebel’s description of the WSU:
This
belief [in white superiority] epitomizes a ridiculously antiquated racial
hierarchy, in which white men alone are constitutive of civil society — which
exists solely for their benefit — and African-Americans are perpetual outsiders
who can only benefit the white society from which they are excluded by having
their labor exploited, otherwise they're merely a menace to the established
order.
White supremacy is here coded as an ideology, a
belief. What’s astonishing to me is that the writer’s reduction of white
supremacy to ideology actually results in her describing, with some realism,
the material structure of a society in which whites (and white men) do reign supreme, do have power
concentrated in their hands. Weeks after the murder of Kimani Gray, after which
black protestors excoriated police for materializing black exclusion from the
social, can one possibly say that blacks—especially in New York—are not outsiders vis-à-vis the
white-dominated social? Desirous of patrolling a Baltimore burb with
“nonlethal” weapons, the WSU really just wants what white liberals in
Bloomberg’s New York already possess—it’s merely that New Yorkers’ property in whiteness is more or less unconsciously embodied, a possession assumed and assured. White supremacists’
desire for the very denegated structure of racial-rule possessed by
Northeastern urban whites exposes this structure, and this exposure is managed by
irony. This irony doesn’t offer a critique of whiteness, still less a radical
attempt to undo it. Rather, such irony merely reinscribes the distance between
zones of aspirational whiteness and zones of achieved and non-problematic
whiteness, between zones of white supremacy and zones of whiteness supreme. Liberal irony reproduces the structural conditions for white supremacist politics.
My aim here isn’t to pile on this writer; still
less (and this should be obvious, but you never know) is it to apologize for
white supremacists. It’s rather to say that we cannot treat white supremacist
politics in a merely ironic mode without a) reinscribing but denegating whiteness
and b) failing to attend to the actual gravity of white supremacist organizing.
Sure, the WSU appears clownish, “ignorant,” and silly, “antiquated” and not hep
to our post-racial times. They wouldn’t fit in in white Brooklyn. To treat such
politics as merely silly, however, is itself a position derived from racial
privilege (like it or not, laugh at it or not, white libs, the WSU is out to
protect you). Moreover, there is no
white supremacist group that does not
appear silly, ignorant, or clownish. I promise. Read their websites (I won’t
link to them), check out updates on white supremacist actions from your local
antifa or ARA group’s blog. They seem ridiculous, vile, and inept. The problem,
though, is that three boneheads gathered together do not require much in the
way of brains or organizational chops to beat the shit out of the next PoC they
happen across. Wade
Michael Page (the Sikh temple shooter), for instance, was a white supremacist
who travelled with groups as ridiculous and dinky as the WSU. Fascism starts
small. White supremacy thrives in the comedic social zone assigned to it by the
liberal-dominant, but it takes very little for the farce of white robes, shaved
heads, and bad angry music to convert to tragedy. Whether gathering to ineptly
organize a political rally, going to a white power punk show, or just having a
beer, any gathering of white
supremacists poses an immediate threat to people of color. Antifa and ARA
direct action people know this, some act on it, and some languish in prison for
having so acted.
It’s simple, really: White supremacy isn’t
funny, and it can’t be counteracted with irony. Such irony is enabled by the
very social structure to which not-quite-white white supremacists aspire. If
you’re committed to eradicating white supremacist politics, work toward
eradicating whiteness. (That, of course, is less simple.) And, if you’re in Baltimore, stand up to the boneheads.
Solidarity.
https://www.facebook.com/pages/Baltimore-Bloc/436997373037153
[Edit: White supremacist comments will be deleted. If you wish to spew nonsense at me, you can email me at chtaylor@uchicago.edu. Or come by my office hours. I know, I know, emailing is less anonymous than commenting anonymously. My apologies. And (for those interested) I'll have a reading list of good whiteness / critical race studies stuff up soon.]
[Edit: White supremacist comments will be deleted. If you wish to spew nonsense at me, you can email me at chtaylor@uchicago.edu. Or come by my office hours. I know, I know, emailing is less anonymous than commenting anonymously. My apologies. And (for those interested) I'll have a reading list of good whiteness / critical race studies stuff up soon.]
5 comments:
"Whiteness is a property, a possession, one unevenly distributed across the social terrain."
Thank you for this, Chris. I am an anthropologist who works on caste in India. My knowledge of critical race theory is very limited. I found your way of putting this point very useful, though, and since you flagged it as uncontroversial and something others have said before I am hoping you could recommend one or two basic readings (or some sources where this point was first, or best, or most famously made).
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This irony doesn’t offer a critique of whiteness, still less a radical attempt to undo it. Towson plastic surgeon
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